Does Having Unions in Government Make Sense?

Last week, the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), the largest union representing federal workers, celebrated its 83rd birthday. Their birthday came amid calls for curtailing collective bargaining for federal employees, reducing or eliminating due process for firing federal employees, and continuing pressure to reduce the number of federal employees.

After working in federal human resources for more than 30 years and being the senior HR official in the Defense Logistics Agency and the Department of Homeland Security, I get a lot of questions from people on both sides of the issue of collective bargaining in government. There are some very strong feelings on both sides, with some saying government is not the place for unions. Most federal unions cannot bargain over pay and benefits and striking is illegal. Opponents say unions just get in the way of management and agency operations and their tactics just serve to delay management decision-making. They argue that unions consume resources and offer few, if any, benefits.

Pro-union arguments say managers often need someone to get in the way of hasty decisions, employees need representation in matters related to grievances and disciplinary actions, and unions provide an effective means of facilitating communications between management and employees.

My experience is that unions, like the people they represent, come in a lot of flavors. I have worked with union officers who seemed hell-bent on obstructing everything, but I have also worked with union leaders who were dedicated public servants driven by interest in the mission, the employees, and the people the government serves.

One of my mentors used to tell me that agencies got the union they deserved. If an agency’s managers treat employees badly, do not listen to their concerns, and are abusive toward employees, they tend to generate union leaders who act the same way. When I began serving as HR Director for DLA, I found that type of relationship. A few agency leaders had decided the best way to engage with the union (in this case it was AFGE Council 169) was to engage in week-long meetings with union leaders once a quarter, but to never agree on anything. Some key union leaders appeared to have the same attitude. As a result, agreements of substance were rare (and painful) and the agency operated with a collective bargaining agreement that was so out of date that it was virtually useless.

That approach was a waste of time, money, energy and credibility. I believe it was also questionable from an ethical perspective. It may not have been bad-faith bargaining, but it was certainly no-faith bargaining. No one thought it was useful, it harmed the credibility of the union and agency leadership, and it was a waste of taxpayer money. The agency was beginning a billion-dollar modernization program that would affect the working conditions of thousands of employees. It was clear that the toxic relationship would get in the way of a program that was vital to the agency’s future.

My own views on organized labor were formed growing up in the coal fields of West Virginia. My father worked as a coal miner after serving in the Marine Corps, then left the mines to do auto body work. Many of my friends had fathers who were miners, and my grandfather’s younger brother died in a mining accident at the age of 17. My father grew up in Matewan, WV – the epicenter of “mine wars” that accompanied the movement to unionize the mines. I admit that upbringing made me predisposed to see unions and collective bargaining as something that could be a force for good in an organization.

With that mindset and the support of the agency director and some key leaders, I decided to end the agency’s unconstructive engagement with the union and start talking seriously about what the agency and its workforce needed. Members of the union leadership team who also wanted to work together for the common interests of the agency, employees and warfighters we supported took steps to assert more control of the union’s approach to working with the agency.

The result was remarkable. The union became a partner in the agency’s business system modernization program. They worked with us to understand how employees were responding to the new system and business processes and what they needed to be successful. I believe their support and full engagement helped to make the program the success that it turned out to be. When we had a large field activity whose management and local union leaders were engaged in constant battles, unfair labor practice charges, arbitrations and generally obnoxious behavior on both sides, the Council president and I sat down with the parties and told them if they didn’t stop the poisonous behavior we (management and union) would take matters out of their hands and stop it for them. They knew we were serious and that we would work together to make it happen. The result? Two years later the toxic relationship was gone and they won a labor-management partnership award.

The relationship between DLA and the union was real. It was based on mutual respect and interests, and it made a difference. Six years after leaving DLA I still count some of those union leaders among my friends. So – when people ask me about collective bargaining in government, I have to say that my own experience is that it can be bad, it can be good, or it can be inconsequential. But with the right leaders in agencies and unions, it can be a force for real progress. Add that to the fact that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the creation of which was championed by the United States after World War II, states “Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests” and my answer has to be that collective bargaining is a right worth preserving.

Let’s Kill the Performance Appraisal Process

A recent report from Quartz outlines the reasons why General Electric dumped its notorious “rank and yank” performance appraisal process. The bottom line is they decided the rigid rating process was bad for business. GE is not the first large business to stop doing traditional appraisals. Adobe replaced their annual process with a more informal feedback-based process and many others are doing the same thing.

With businesses learning that traditional performance appraisal processes are bad for business, it is time to admit they are bad for government too. Virtually no one thinks they are worth the time, money and hard feelings they create. In fact, if we did not have such processes, anyone who proposed spending hundreds of millions of dollars every year to create a process that everyone hates (and almost everyone agrees adds no value) would be laughed out of the room.

Supporters of traditional appraisals argue they improve performance by encouraging people to work harder and smarter to get better ratings (and bigger bonuses). Some HR and legal folks will say we need the multi-level appraisal process to support firing poor performers. Both reasons are baloney.

High performers are not motivated by a once-a-year process where their boss tells them they are “highly successful” or “exceptional” or, God forbid, “fully successful.” Good leaders motivate people, interesting work motivates people, and an intrinsic sense of self-worth and pride in work motivates people. Performance ratings demotivate people. If we are interested in seeing more and better efforts from government workers, we should drop the annual review and replace it with something that ensures continuous feedback.

Even if we could make a case that people are motivated by bonuses, the bonuses available to most non-SES Federal employees are certainly not enough to motivate more and better effort. Bonuses are often just a few hundred dollars. Do we really think a workforce with an average annual salary of $80,000 is going to be motivated to work longer, put in more effort, and be stronger contributors for a few dollars? It just is not going to happen. Even if it did, we do not need traditional reviews to give people bonuses. When managers see great work happening that is above and beyond the call of duty, they should recognize the employee. What they should not do is wait until the end of a rating year, then give someone an award for doing their job.

The people who want more government employees to be fired may argue that performance appraisals are necessary to make that goal a reality. The truth is that it has the opposite effect. Rather than dealing with the small number of poor performers, managers have to go through a miserable and time-consuming process for everyone. If they were not writing appraisals and filling out forms for the 90% or more who are doing good work, they could focus more time on those who are not. That seems like a good trade to me.

The current appraisal process could be replaced with an exception based approach where employees get a formal rating when they are not performing and a bonus for truly exceptional work. That would eliminate the bureaucratic parts of the feedback process and recognize that most employees are doing their jobs. Some maybe a bit better than others, some a bit worse. But most employees are in a broad range of “OK” and they do not need the annual process to keep doing their jobs. We could implement processes that ensure managers provide timely and regular feedback to employees, and we could help managers learn how to provide feedback. We could help employees understand what is expected of them, their organization, and their immediate team, so they know what they need to do.

If killing traditional appraisals is good enough for some of the biggest and best businesses in the country, it is good enough for the Federal government.

Depriving Feds of Rights is Barking Up the Wrong Tree

The House of Representatives passed a bill last week making it much easier to fire employees at the Department of Veterans Affairs. Among other changes, the bill, called the VA Accountability Act of 2015, removes the usual due process protections and allow the Secretary to fire employees quickly. It shortens the period for filing an appeal to MSPB to 7 days, and requires MSPB to issue decisions within 45 days.

That 45 day requirement is one of three troubling aspects of the bill. If enacted into law, it would require MSPB to issue a decision on an appeal within 45 days and, if it did not, the action would be final. So that means the penalty for MSPB not getting it done on time is that the employee loses.

The second problem is that the bill places the final decision in the hands of an MSPB administrative judge and does not allow the actual Merit System Protection Board members, who are appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, to make a decision on the case. Think about that – the leaders of the agency cannot make a decision and it is left to a career employee of the agency. While some folks say that is not due process, the bigger weakness some of my attorney friends see is that it may not pass Constitutional muster based on the Appointments Clause in Article II of the Constitution. The Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 created the MSPB, required Presidential appointment and Senate confirmation of the 3 Board Members, and gave them the authority to hear appeals of actions taken under the provisions of Title 5 and Title 38 and other laws and regulations. This bill assigns the appeals to the agency, but takes the authority away from the appointed and confirmed Board and assigns it to members of their staff. People who know far more about the Constitution than me tell me that is a big problem.

While the intent of making employees more accountable is sound, the bill is unlikely to survive a Presidential veto threat. Even if it did, the third problem is that it will most likely not change anything, other than setting up the rest of the Federal workforce for the same type of treatment. We will not see a big increase in the number of fired employees, but those who are fired will have far fewer legal rights than they do today.

While the House was passing this bill, the MSPB was writing and issuing a report tilted “Adverse Actions: The Rules and the Reality” that debunks the myth that Federal employees cannot be fired. MSPB found that Federal managers do not understand and rarely use the authority they already have to fire employees for misconduct or poor performance. Even in cases where the employee would have no appeal rights, managers do not take action. One of the most interesting findings in MSPB’s report is that managers who responded to their survey applied the standard of proof “beyond a reasonable doubt” to take action against an employee. That is the standard used for criminal cases and it is not required by the law, regulations or agency policies. The proper standard is a “preponderance of the evidence” which is a much lower burden. The result is that managers often feel they do not have enough evidence when, in reality, they have more than enough. The problem isn’t the law, it is managers’ understanding of the law.

There are other problems that MSPB’s report did not address. One is that many managers (rightly so) are afraid to take action because they do not believe their agency leadership will support them. I have seen many cases where senior leaders simply want to avoid controversy, so they choose to reassign problem employees rather than dealing with the misconduct or poor performance. That is probably the worst course of action they could possibly choose. I spoke with a friend who is a senior executive in the VA who had one employee who had been reassigned a half-dozen times before the employee was assigned to her team. She recognized the problems, dealt with them, and the employee was fired.

Another problem is the tendency of many agency lawyers to want to settle every case rather than risk losing one. Their unwillingness to take the cases all the way causes managers to avoid removals or downgrades because they fear the lawyers will settle anyway and they will get the employee back.

The last, and possibly most common problem, is that managers are simply unwilling to take adverse actions. No one in their right mind would say that firing employees is easy and it certainly is unpleasant. The concept of booting a poor performer is easy – the reality of firing a real, live human being is another thing entirely. The problem with that is that it takes into account only the adverse effects on the employee being fired, but ignores the impact of poor performance or misconduct on the rest of the employees. Every year the Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey results show that employees do not believe their managers will deal with poor performers. In 2014, only 28% agreed with the statement “In my work unit, steps are taken to deal with a poor performer who cannot or will not improve.”

So where we are is that managers do not understand the burden of proof standard for dealing with poor performance or misconduct, they do not believe their senior leaders will support them, they do not trust the lawyers to see the case through to the end, and they are unwilling to do something they view as bad. That says clearly that taking away employee rights will result in a less secure workforce, but it will not make a real difference in agency performance. If we want to see things change, the real answer is better training for managers and senior leaders and lawyers who will support the actions they take.

Bigger is Not Better for OPM

OPMThe Office of Personnel Management is getting the kind of attention that most Federal agencies never want. The data breach has people questioning the competence of OPM’s staff and leaders, and asking why OPM exists in the first place. So many people have been affected, and in such a personal and lasting way, that business-as-usual is simply not a viable option. So what does something other than business-as-usual look like?

OPM says its mission is “…to recruit, retain and honor a world-class workforce for the American people.” Although OPM is small when judged by the standards of Defense, Homeland Security, VA and other Departments, but with 5,500 employees and a budget of $2 billion, it is considered to be a “large” Federal agency. A deep dive into those numbers offers some surprising insights. When combined with a look at OPM’s history and how it operates, I believe it shows a clear path forward for OPM that can return the agency to credibility and effectiveness in its core mission.

The Numbers

That $2 billion in OPM’s 2015 budget contains a surprisingly small amount of appropriated money. More than $1.6 billion is from the OPM revolving fund and $118 million comes from Trust Fund accounts. The revolving fund includes revenue and expenses related to background investigations, USAStaffing, USAJobs, consulting services, and other services for which OPM charges a fee to agencies. The majority of revenue and expenses in the revolving fund are associated with background investigations. Trust dollars come from the Civil Service Retirement and Disability, Federal Employees Health Benefits, and Federal Employees Group Life Insurance Funds.

Most surprising is the number of dollars and employees associated with background investigations. More than half of OPM’s money ($1.13 billion) and employees (2,726) are involved in background investigations.

OPM 2016 Budget Justification

The Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 provided that “the function of filling positions and other personnel functions in the competitive service and in the executive branch should be delegated in appropriate cases to the agencies to expedite processing appointments and other personnel actions, with the control and oversight of this delegation being maintained by the Office of Personnel Management to protect against prohibited personnel practices and the use of unsound management practices by the agencies.” The core mission of OPM is crafting regulations and policies to implement the merit system and to oversee agencies’ hiring practices. In addition, OPM administers Federal pay, retirement and health and life insurance systems. Those roles are so critical that I believe it is essential to have an independent agency to carry them out. That does not apply to many of OPM’s other roles. In fact, OPM is offering so many services now that they make up the majority of the agency’s budget and staff and it is difficult to see how it can excel in all of them and still devote sufficient executive time and attention to its core mission. Part of the problem is that OPM has gotten trapped in a fee-based arrangement where they have to sell services be able to support the core mission. Congress could help by adequately funding a smaller and more focused OPM through appropriations, rather than asking them to rely so heavily on fees.

Just Say No

When he returned to an Apple, Inc that was on the verge of bankruptcy, Steve Jobs famously said “We had to decide what are the fundamental directions we are going in and what make sense and what doesn’t. Focusing is about saying no.” He went on to explain that saying no makes a lot of people unhappy, but the results of focusing are worth the pain.

It is time for OPM to start focusing by saying no to the roles that are not part of their core mission. Here are a few good places to start:

Say No to background investigations. The idea of having OPM conduct background investigations seemed sound. They are related to hiring and consolidating the work would probably be more efficient. Sounds great, but now more than half of OPM  is handling background investigations. And we see that having background investigation data for 90% of the government in one place creates a huge target for hackers. The outcome is likely to cost far more than we ever saved by consolidation. OPM’s should get out of background investigations entirely and the work should either be decentralized into the large Departments and Agencies or, because of the intelligence value of the collected data, assigned to an agency more focused on intelligence or law enforcement.

Say No to selling software, unless it is necessary to further the core mission. Shared services are a sound idea but not when commercial off-the-shelf products are available. OPM is currently the largest provider of talent acquisition software for the Federal government. USAStaffing is used by agencies representing more than 70% of the Federal work force. The fact that there are good, fully federalized, commercial products available from companies like Monster, Acendre and Economic Systems has not stopped OPM from investing time and money in developing software and competing for market share. There is no compelling reason for the government to remain in this market. The exception is OPM’s USAJobs system. Although there are excellent job board systems available commercially, the need for all of the talent acquisition systems to work seamlessly with the government’s job board makes a government-owned system make sense. Otherwise we could find ourselves in a position where the company that provides the job board could make their software work better with it, thereby forcing the other companies out of the Federal market. USAJobs is a great example of the need for appropriated money. OPM currently has to charge every agency a fee for the system. It would be far more efficient to simply put the money there to begin with rather than going through the gyrations of putting it in other Departments and agencies and then making them write a check.

Say No to selling services when it creates an organizational conflict of interest. In addition to background investigations, OPM sells consulting services in a variety of areas. It does some of that through the private sector and some using OPM staff. Most of the work that is done using the private sector (through firms like my employer and others) is through OPM’s Talent and Management Assistance contracts. Federal agencies have used them successfully for years and they have been one of the goto sources for Federal agencies. The replacements for the TMA contracts are moving to GSA as part of a new partnership between OPM and GSA. That is an excellent move by both agencies – it puts a contracting agency in charge of the contracts. Where there is an organizational conflict is in areas where OPM is responsible for regulations, policy, and oversight, but sells related services using its own employees to do the work. Although OPM attempts to separate their policy and oversight work from their fee-for-service activities, it is hard not to be influenced by the need for continued revenue. For example, when I was DHS Chief Human Capital Officer, during one CHCO Council meeting a former OPM executive expressed concerns that what the CHCOs wanted for a new policy would affect OPM’s business for one of its fee-based services. Former Director John Berry made it clear that he would not make policy based on potential loss of fees, but the fact that the issue was raised shows that the concern is legitimate. Work that presents a potential conflict should be moved, along with the associated staff, to another agency that provides shared services. OPM should provide fee-based services only where it makes sense to do so, such as administering the White House Fellows program. I have to admit I’m on the fence on services related to advertising jobs for agencies. While I could make the argument that OPM writes regulations and conducts oversight for staffing functions, employment services have been part of the mission since the beginning of the Civil Service Commission. The difference is that now agencies have to bring their checkbook to get the services.

Say Yes to a Revitalized OPM

If OPM sheds the roles that are not necessary to carry out its core mission, it can begin to offer some real benefits that would help it “recruit, retain and honor a world-class workforce for the American people.” Among the things OPM is ideally suited for and should say Yes to are:

Say Yes to analytics. Everyone learned that OPM has massive amounts of data on the Federal workforce. They also have data on hiring, separations, retirement, and virtually every aspect of the Federal workforce. While OPM uses some of that data to inform its policy development, workforce analytics should be a key offering. For example, by linking data from the hiring process with performance results, OPM data could help agencies identify the hiring methods that produce the highest performing employees. The opportunities to turn that data into usable information are tremendous. OPM could provide detailed data sets to agencies that they could use to conduct meaningful analytics.

Say Yes to classification reform. OPM could dramatically simplify job classification by reducing the number of job series and simplifying classification standards. Doing so would also make OPM’s job of keeping the remaining standards up to date far easier. There is no need for legislation to do that. OPM has the authority to start doing it today.

Say Yes to more hiring reform. The initial movement toward hiring reform begun by President Obama was a great first step, but much of it was focused on telling agencies they had to do better in running the hiring process. However, much of what makes the Federal hiring process so cumbersome is driven by regulations rather than law. OPM should identify everything that it can do to make its own regulations more effective.

Say Yes to a new approach to performance management. Very little of what drives people crazy about Federal performance management is driven by the law. OPM has tremendous authority to craft and implement new regulations that would simplify and dramatically improve performance management.

Say Yes to customer service. OPM should also consider a reorganization of the remaining work to focus on key mission areas and to develop a more strategic approach to integrated policy development and oversight. Its current structure does not appear to produce well-coordinated policy guidance that takes the entire employee life cycle into account. Doing so would help revitalize their advisory services work so agency HR staff have easy access to the people who write regulations and policies. In the past, OPM was a superb source of insight. There are still a lot of talented and knowledgeable HR experts at OPM, but their current structure makes it more difficult for agencies to find the right person to ask for help.

Some of the people I have talked with regarding OPM say the agency should never agree to shrink from 5,500 employees to 2,500. They say that makes OPM a more likely target to be consolidated into another agency, such as GSA or even into the Office of Management and Budget. That may be true, but if we believe people are such an important resource, and talent management is such a critical issue, having an effective, independent agency to manage people programs is too critical to make it a tacked-on feature of some other agency. A newly focused and high-performing OPM could help the Federal government move beyond its current outdated approach to talent management without having to ask Congress to change the laws regarding hiring, classification and pay. I believe OPM still has the potential to be the talent management agency the government needs. The benefits to the people and to the government are too great to avoid acting solely because of internal government politics.

What’s Next for OPM?

3d human with a red question markThe OPM data breach has put the government’s personnel agency in a deep hole. Critics are accusing OPM of an inadequate response and poor communications and questioning how the agency can continue to operate effectively. That is not a surprise. Something as big and as shocking as this can be a credibility killer for any organization. Even so, I have been surprised by the number of people who have told me OPM should be shut down and its mission transferred to other agencies. Others have told me the agency just has to “hunker down” and take its lumps before returning to business as usual. Neither approach is productive.

When an organization finds itself in a security, morale and public relations nightmare, it has to act or be damaged beyond recovery. Like Sony, Target, Anthem and others, OPM can recover from this mess, but it will have to take a number of deliberate steps to begin moving forward and eventually emerge as a better and more effective agency. In this post I am going to address some steps OPM should take to get started. I believe OPM has a vital mission and it certainly should not be shut down, but there are structural changes that OPM should make to refocus and ensure it does not find itself here again. I will address those in my next post.

The Rest of the Story

Every story has a beginning, middle and end. We already know the beginning of this story. Two cyber security breaches exposed vital records of more than 20 million people. We are in the middle of the story now, and it is very personal. Rather than being an abstract tale about someone else’s misfortune, this one directly affected virtually every Federal employee (including members of Congress), cleared employees of government contractors, and 1.8 million family members and associates. We/they are angry. We still do not know everything we want to know. We saw an agency that was slow to respond, did not want to say ‘we are profoundly sorry for this failure,” did not maintain clear and open communications, and did not appear to know what to do next. Given the scope and long-term impact of the breach, that reaction was infuriating, but not surprising. Few organizations take the necessary steps to prepare for a crisis of this scale.

OPM has the opportunity to help define the arc of this story and influence how it ends. If OPM is going to emerge from the breach successfully, it needs to address the anger and fear and demonstrate that it knows what to do. Here are some suggestions on how to begin:

Get the Credit Monitoring/Identity Protection Issue Off the Table. Because this is such a personal issue and the fear of identity theft is so strong, the government needs to offer long-term credit monitoring and identity theft protection to everyone who was affected by both breaches. This one will require help. I know a lot of people say OPM should pay for what happened, but that is not the way Federal budgets work. It is unlikely OPM’s appropriated dollars can be used without violating the Anti-Deficiency Act and their revolving fund does not have the money to pay for it. That means, as distasteful as it seems, it will require either a new appropriation or money from other agencies. OPM has already advised agencies that it is raising fees for background investigation services to cover the coverage they have already offered. Any long-term protection contract should be awarded competitively after rigorous competition and price negotiations.

Communicate. It is no secret that everyone wants more information. They want to know what happened, they want to know what will be done to make certain it will not happen again, and they want to know what will be done to protect them and their families from the consequences of this breach. Perhaps early communications were poor because of security concerns, but we are at a point where OPM must share more information, answer questions, and start reassuring people. They need crisp messaging that does just that. They need to be out in public talking about it. Acting Director Beth Cobert addressed the breach at the July 15, 2015 meeting of the National Council on Federal Labor Management Relations. OPM also participated in a July 16, 2015 event hosted by Maryland representative John Delaney. Those were a good start, but they reached only a few hundred people. Because people get their information from many different sources, OPM should use multiple forms of communications, including social media (the OPM Facebook page has been virtually silent on the breach), press releases, interviews with the media, and more information on OPM’s website. As my new colleague, Jeff Hunt, an international expert in crisis communications with ICF’s PulsePoint Group noted: “Everyone looks for the villain, the victim, the hero and the moral to the story during situations like this. There is a natural vacuum created as these roles get cast. It may be unreasonable to expect OPM to ever achieve ‘hero’ status, but they should be making sure everyone knows who the real villain is. That would be the hackers and not OPM.”

Engage the OPM workforce. The OPM workforce should become a part of the communications strategy. OPM should give their workforce information that they can share with colleagues in other agencies, their families and friends. Those folks are talking with OPM employees anyway. If the OPM workers have nothing to say but “I don’t know anything and am not allowed to talk about it” their opinions of their employer will suffer, they will feel isolated, and the best may look elsewhere for jobs. While the breach certainly was not the responsibility of just one person, likewise it was not the fault of every OPM employee. Many of them have been doing their jobs and doing them well. If OPM employees are empowered with some useful information that the ability to share it, they will be more engaged and will help share information that is accurate and beneficial.

Share the Learning. The learning is important to the healing. As OPM progresses through the fallout of the breach, it will no doubt learn many lessons. An important part of recovery is sharing that learning so the people who were harmed by the breach know that the learning is taking place. We can be remarkably forgiving people when we believe people and organizations who have had failures have accepted responsibility, learned from their mistakes, and taken steps to avoid another failure. OPM should begin communicating what is has learned and how it will incorporate that learning into how it conducts business.
Identify Metrics that Show Progress. OPM will have to make changes as a result of the breach. That may include how it manages technology programs, the types of oversight managers will receive, how it responds to reports from its Inspector General, how it addresses updates to software and operating systems, and many others. Most agencies do not have public metrics about such “weedy” internal operations, but most agencies have not lost the personal data of 20+ million people. OPM will have to go above and beyond the norm to regain its credibility. Publicly reported metrics, based on what the agency has learned from the aftermath of the breach, will provide the transparency that is needed to “trust, but verify” that the agency is taking the learning and applying it in a meaningful way.
Recovery from the breach is going to take a long time, but beginning to regain the trust of Federal employees, the Congress and the public can begin immediately. We need to see visible signs of change and we need them now.

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